
In the summer of 1787, representatives of twelve of our thirteen states met in Philadelphia to revise the failing Articles of Confederation. Only a few years after the conclusion of the Revolutionary War, it was becoming obvious that the loose confederation of independent states, created by the Second Continental Congress, could not guarantee the national sovereignty that the Founding Fathers had envisioned. Thirteen sovereign states could not agree on most of the important issues that in other countries were decided and resolved by a national government. In the critical areas of business and trade policy along with national defense, there was no consensus. From road building to the creation of a standardized currency, the states' on-going refusal to compromise, created the real risk of a failed nation-state. It was only after the Virginia militia was called out by George Washington to come to the aid of Massachusetts, during Shays's Rebellion, that twelve of the states finally and reluctantly agreed to send delegates to a convention to revise the failing Articles.
What emerged, to the chagrin of the vehemently states' rights crowd, was a brand new blueprint for governing the United States, the US Constitution. Gone was the absolute sovereignty of the states, replaced by a significantly stronger and ultimately supremely sovereign national government. The states retained only nominal independence under the new plan, but they were promised a more stable national economy, uniformity in interstate commerce, and a more robust system of national defense. For the next two years after the document was signed by the delegates and forwarded to the thirteen states for ratification, parties lined up for and against the new Constitution. The debate was quite spirited, especially in the key state of New York, but with the journalistic help of James Madison and Alexander Hamilton, ratification was completed in 1789 and the United States of America was at last a political reality.
It did not take long, however, for critics of the new national government's power to point out some glaring defects within the Constitution. Although it indirectly referred to the rights of individual citizens, there were few clear statements guaranteeing them. The so-called father of the Constitution, James Madison, with the not-insignificant prodding of his Virginia neighbor and life-long friend, Thomas Jefferson, proposed a number of amendments be added to the document.
During the ratification process, two distinct quasi-parties emerged within the debate. Those who favored ratification called themselves Federalists, while those opposing ratification were called Anti-Federalists. Among the Anti-Federalist camp were some key Revolutionary War figures like Patrick Henry, George Mason, and of course, Jefferson. James Madison, realizing that ratification of the new Constitution was doomed without moderate Anti-Federalist support, came up with a plan. Using the English Bill of Rights and Enlightenment ideas already incorporated into a number of state constitutions, Madison offered them up collectively as a Bill of Rights, which was to be added to the Constitution, shortly after ratification.
As important as these rights came to be, it must be said that the process for incorporating them into the Constitution was equally significant. During the Philadelphia Convention, while those gifted delegates debated the mechanisms and procedures of the government they were creating, they were humble enough to also create a vehicle for later changing the document. Article V, which details the process for amending the Constitution, is a testament to the real genius of the Framers. For as marvelously flexible as our constitution may be, Madison and his colleagues realized that the future of their new republic, might hold challenges and opportunities unimaginable in 1787. Without Article V, an entirely new constitution would have had to be written and ratified to end slavery, directly elect senators, extend voting rights to ex-slaves and women, enact, then repeal prohibition, limit presidential terms, and to enfranchise those eighteen year old voters. But with this ingenious method for repair and improvement already built in, we have a two hundred twenty year old Constitution that works as well in the twenty-first century as it did in the eighteenth.
That said, it may be time to once again dust off Article V and add another amendment. Over the past three centuries, the US Constitution has been amended twenty-seven times. The vast majority of those "fixes" have been to expand the rights and freedoms of American citizens. A few have been enacted to streamline or adjust the process of governing, and even fewer have been adopted to increase the power of the central government. What I am proposing falls, I fervently believe, within the most numerous category.
Prior to the invention of electronic mass media, particularly television, the cost of running for office was not prohibitively expensive. That all changed in the 1950s. President Eisenhower was the first national candidate to buy commercial time on national television to promote his 1952 candidacy for the presidency and he won in a landslide over his Democratic challenger, Adlai Stevenson. From then on, every presidential candidate, and now, every candidate running for any national, state, and even local office spends the bulk of his or her campaign money on media buys. In 2008, President Obama raised and spent over eight hundred million dollars to win a job that pays four hundred thousand dollars per year. John McCain, raised and spent a little under seven hundred million in a losing effort. In my state, financially bankrupt California, it costs over twenty million dollars to run for governor or for a seat in the US Senate, and between two and five million to campaign for a seat in the House of Representatives. Remember, a House seat must be contested every two years, so another two to five million must be found again and again.
So what, you might ask? As I see it there are some serious problems with this system. First, people of moderate income are all but eliminated as potential candidates. Without the ability to raise significant sums of cash to pay for TV and radio spots, it is next to impossible to run, let alone get elected. All one has to do is take a look at who serves in these offices and one can make a pretty good argument that today we may have more of an economically-elite aristocracy governing our country, rather than a representative democracy. Do any of us really believe that the members of Congress really feel the pain of this recession the way the rest of us do? Are any of them in danger of being denied health care if they are voted out of office? As I write this commentary, we are putting our hopes for major governmental reform in the hands of people who are a great deal more comfortable at a country club cocktail party, than they would be sharing a pizza with us at Round Table.
Secondly, and this is much more important than the first problem, is who is actually paying for these ridiculously expensive election campaigns? Even the rich guys who run for office prefer to fund-raise, rather than spend their own money. In 2004 both George W Bush and John Kerry raised record sums in their presidential campaigns, and they are both the products of abundant family wealth. And where, you might ask, does all that Contributed money come from? That's right, it comes from big corporations, institutions, trade-unions, lobbyists, and other economically fat interest groups that these politicians are supposed to be regulating. Beginning in 1995, the House of Representatives adopted a rule allowing for a three day legislative work week, so that the other two days could be used doing the real work of Congress. . . raising money. By the way, it is often at the above-mentioned cocktail parties where much of this campaign money changes hands. By the way, none of those wealthy power brokers eat at Round Table either.
Under Article One of the Constitution, the Congress was given three primary tasks. First and foremost legislators were mandated to make law. Secondly they were given the power to check the power of the other branches of government, and finally, they were assigned the tasks of regulation and oversight. The Framers were quite clear about who members of Congress were supposed to work for. Since 1789, the members of the House have worked directly for the electorate within their respective districts. The Senators, originally the employees of state legislatures, became directly accountable to the people with the passage of the Seventeenth Amendment in 1913. At least that is the theory.
Back in 1788, James Madison writing in Federalist #10, warned the American people of the dangers of "factions" within a democracy. Factions, he said, are organized groups of people who want to influence political power in order to promote their own private interests, rather than support what might be in the interest of the greater good. Hmmm. Remarkably, Madison wrote all that, way before the advent of American political parties, lobbyists, and TV commercials. He believed that as long as we all lived under a political system where no single faction (interest group) could disproportionately influence political outcomes, our democracy would flourish. Then came the money boys.
Let me cite a particular example to make my point. The first American presidential candidate to suggest that we adopt a national health care program to cover all Americans was Teddy Roosevelt in the campaign of 1912. Yeah, 1912. And yes, it was that Teddy, the one carved into Mount Rushmore. Then it was Harry Truman in 1948, Lyndon Johnson in 1965, Richard Nixon in 1974, Jimmy Carter in 1976, ted Kennedy in 1980, Bill Clinton in 1993, and now Barack Obama in 2009. And at every juncture, the financial powers, collectively called the "Health Care Industry," spent huge sums of money to defeat the proposals. Even now, when over seventy percent of Americans want a national health care plan, the monied interests are putting up a tremendous fight to block its passage. But how can they win, when we citizens have the vote? Come on, connect the dots, or should I say, connect the dollar bills and you can answer this question yourself. Or, try this for fun: pick up your phone and call your US Senator and ask to speak to her (California, remember). Trust me, you will not get through. But what if you are the president of the American Medical Association, or the chairman of Blue Cross, or the president of Catholic Health Care West, or the CEO of a major pharmaceutical manufacturer? Do you think those guys will be passed-off to a twenty one year old college intern? Once again, the cocktail party trumps pizza night!
Every interest group out there has well-paid lobbyists who do nothing else but promote their particular agendas before our duly elected law makers. And our law makers listen because these are the very same people who pay the lion's share of their campaign expenses. The only way you and I are going to get our elected officials back on our side is to get rid of the money. And the only way to do that, now that the US Supreme Court has said that campaign money is the same thing as political speech, and therefore constitutionally protected, is to add a new amendment.
Imagine how radically different Washington would be if we, the people (now there is a catchy phrase), made it unconstitutional to use any private money to finance a campaign for the presidency, the US Senate, or the House of Representatives. Instead of cash, what if candidates were required get enough voter signatures on a state-wide or national petition to qualify for a spot on the ballot? Then, what if all candidates got the same amount of money to run their respective campaigns, drawn from a tax-payer funded pool and controlled by an independent election commission? What if election TV time was free, and as with campaign money, every candidate on the ballot got the same amount of time? What would our republic look like if our elected officials actually worked for us? How much could they get done if they no longer had to fund-raise? And what if lobbyists could only provide information about their particular interests, but no money could be privately donated for any reason?
My fellow American citizens, this may be the very reason that the most celebrated class of patriots included Article V in our most cherished document, the United States Constitution. Two hundred and twenty years later, we could make our political system work for us, just like Madison and his patriot-posse had in mind. Remember, in many ways political power is like the physical prowess we all took for granted in our misspent youth. We have to use it or we could lose it.


